GUWAHATI: As Assam hurtles toward the panchayat elections scheduled for May 2 and 7, the political discourse has become increasingly theatrical and combative. The atmosphere, thick with anticipation, is being stoked by sharp barbs between the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the opposition Congress, with jibes about clothing and symbols now dominating the campaign trail.
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At a high-octane rally in Dhemaji earlier this week, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma accused the Congress of resorting to populist tactics, including the distribution of dhotis to sway rural voters. In a statement that quickly went viral, Sarma mocked the Congress’s hand symbol, sarcastically suggesting it be swapped for a “lungi”—a reference widely interpreted as targeting the Bengali-speaking Muslim community, where the garment is commonly worn.
“Back when the Congress was in power, all we saw were lungis and dhotis,” Sarma said. “They should just make the lungi their party symbol. That’s the only thing they seem to understand.”
The BJP has a history of targeting this particular demographic, often invoking fears of illegal immigration from Bangladesh. Though not explicitly named, Sarma’s statement was seen by many as stoking underlying communal tensions in a state long fraught with identity politics.
Sarma didn't stop there. He used the platform to attack Congress’s 15-year rule from 2001 to 2016, criticizing its governance record. “Back then, there were no free college admissions. If you applied for a job, you had to bribe someone. That was the Congress model,” he claimed, drawing applause from a crowd largely composed of BJP supporters.
Not one to let the remarks go unanswered, Assam Congress chief Bhupen Kumar Borah came out swinging. Speaking to party workers in Barpeta, Borah condemned Sarma’s comments as divisive and culturally insensitive. “We see no difference in clothing—lungi, dhoti, pyjama, or trousers. All are equal to us,” he said. Then, in a pointed rejoinder, Borah added, “If the BJP is so obsessed with our symbol, they should explain theirs. Why a lotus? Why not adopt Nathuram Godse’s revolver instead?”
Borah’s comparison invoked the memory of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin, accusing the BJP of harboring extremist leanings and abandoning inclusive ideals. The BJP, in turn, dismissed the remarks as desperate and inflammatory.
Amidst this back-and-forth, the political stakes couldn’t be higher. Over 20,000 rural administrative bodies are up for grabs in the panchayat elections, which serve as a vital precursor to the 2026 state assembly elections. Control of these grassroots institutions is about more than just numbers—it’s about the ability to influence local governance, welfare distribution, and the political mood in rural Assam.
The BJP, currently in power both at the state and national levels, hopes to extend its control to the panchayat level across both the Brahmaputra and Barak valleys. The party is emphasizing its development narrative—better roads, health infrastructure, and digital services—to appeal to a broad voter base. At recent rallies, BJP leaders have spoken at length about their investment in rural infrastructure and digitization of government services, promising to bring “real transformation” to Assam’s villages.
The Congress, on the other hand, is trying to reclaim lost ground, especially in areas where it once held sway among tribal groups, tea garden workers, and religious minorities. Borah and other Congress leaders have criticized the BJP for what they call “selective development,” accusing the ruling party of favoring certain constituencies while ignoring others.
In a move seen as part of its outreach strategy, the Congress recently held a Jan Sampark Yatra in parts of Upper Assam, where Borah interacted directly with tea garden laborers and promised better living conditions, guaranteed wage protections, and free healthcare. Party insiders say the initiative is aimed at reconnecting with a base that has steadily drifted toward the BJP over the last decade.
Meanwhile, smaller regional parties like the AIUDF and Raijor Dal are also looking to make gains in specific pockets, further complicating the electoral arithmetic. While they’re unlikely to sweep any major regions, their influence could split votes in tight contests, particularly in minority-dominated areas.
Security has been heightened in districts like Hojai, Dhubri, and Karimganj, which have seen tensions flare up in past elections. The Assam State Election Commission has announced the deployment of additional paramilitary forces, and electronic voting machines (EVMs) have already begun arriving at key district centers.
On Monday, the commission also introduced a mobile voter helpline to address last-minute voter ID issues and ensure smoother participation, especially in remote rural areas. According to the latest data, over 1.8 crore voters are expected to cast their votes, with women constituting nearly 48% of the electorate.
Counting of votes is slated for May 11. While results won’t directly alter power equations at the state level, they are expected to significantly influence strategies and alliances heading into the 2026 assembly polls.
As campaigning intensifies, Assam’s political climate remains charged, with rhetoric around clothing, identity, and symbols capturing headlines just as much as debates over roads and schools. Whether voters respond to such theatrics or focus on the issues that shape daily life will be revealed when ballots are counted.
